“China Orders Highest Alert for Olympics,” The New York Times, Aug. 4, 2008.
BEIJING — Chinese officials have thrown an almost smothering blanket of security across this capital of 17 million in preparation for the start of the Olympic Games on Friday. Above all else, Chinese leaders say, these Olympics will be “safe.”
Even civilians have been called on to strengthen the motherland: Tens of thousands of middle-age and elderly residents wearing red armbands, reminiscent of the zealous Red Guard youth from decades ago, now patrol neighborhoods looking for even a slightly suspicious act or person.
But human rights advocates accuse the Chinese government of using the pretext of terrorism to silence dissent and clamp down on ethnic minority groups that chafe at rule by ethnic Han Chinese, who dominate the Communist Party leadership. Some security experts say many of the surveillance measures will probably stay in place after the Games, to bolster the reach of the authorities .
Born Red: A Chronicle of the Cultural Revolution, by Gao Yuan, 1987.
On our return to school, tan and muscular from nearly a month in the countryside, Yizhong’s Preparatory Committee instructed us to compile dossiers on the teachers. Each class was to review evidence from posters and other materials and either verify or discard the charges. The purpose was to identify as many “comparatively good” teachers as possible. They would be allowed to make revolution with us.
Sitting in the classroom reading our file on Teacher Li, I came across a report signed by Little Bawang and Little Mihu charging that Li had deliberately distorted the piece he read to us about a woman Communist going to the execution ground. According to my two classmates, the original text said the woman had gone “with her head up, the evening breeze blowing back her gray hair,” but Li had described her as “shivering in her shoes.” They said that Li had deliberately defiled the Communist heroine because of his deep-rooted hatred of the Communists, which stemmed from his own reactionary background.
I remembered that class vividly, how Teacher Li’s voice had broken and tears had brimmed up in his eyes. His reading had dramatized the worman’s bravery in the face of death. I was sure that it had contained no such phrase as “shivering in her shoes.” I would talk to my class mates and set the record straight. I did not have to wait long for Little Bawang. He swept into the classroom waving a big red flag, and announced, “We’re setting up a new Red Guard organization, the Red Inheritance Red Guards. Only children of revolutionary military officers can join. I’m going to declare my independence from class 85!”
“It’s fine with me if you want to imitate the Beijing aristocrats,” I said. “I just read your report about Teacher Li. I’m afraid your memory is faulty.” Little Bawang lost his temper. Waving the flag even more vigorously, he said, “Our memories are clear. You should examine your class stand. Why do you want to protect that reactionary Kuomintang officer? Is it because you were a teacher’s pet? I’m not even going to listen to you!” He turned and strode out.
Perhaps Little Mihu would be easier to convince. I found him engrossed in a contest with a few other students to see who could swallow the most hot water. They sat in the hot sun, shirtless, eating salted turnip between gulps. Little Mihu’s belly was already round. I asked him if he really remembered hearing Teacher Li smear the Communist heroine. He gave me an embarrassed look. Little Bawang said we shouldn’t show mercy to the enemy, so I signed. I don’t really remember what happened in class.” “If that’s the case, you can come with me and cross your name out,” I said. “We can’t make things up, no matter how bad the person may be.” Little Mihu docilely followed me back to the classroom.
Before the day was out, the Red Inheritance Red Guards had emerged, with headquarters in an empty classroom. The new organization drew its membership from nearly every class. Yuanchao joined and was elected deputy commander. Little Bawang was not accepted because his father’s rank was too low. He would not talk to anyone for several days. Then, full of disdain for the army children who had shut him out, he set up his own Red Guard contingent, called the Safeguard Mao and Lin Red Guards. Ten of our classmates joined him.
Our class Cultural Revolution group was losing its authority. We could do nothing to prevent Little Bawang’s secession or to keep others from following suit Congfang founded the Perpetual Red Red Guards, and Caolan set up the Mao Zedong Doctrine Red Guards. Finally, Shuanggen and I collected the undesirables and set up the Central and South Seas Red Guards, named after the place in Beijing where the Central Committee and State Council members lived. We had a dozen members, including Erchou, the tomboy Huantian, and a few others who had been excluded from the original Red Guards .
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